How Jaime Sin Led The Filipinos Peacefully


How Jaime Sin Led The Filipinos Peacefully and Force Ferdinand Marcos To Resign






How Jaime Sin Led the Filipinos Peacefully and Force Ferdinand Marcos to Resign


Ferdinand Marcos came to power in 1965, following two years as the country senate president. In power, Marcos administration can be accredited for conducting widespread reform in economic and social programs. However, the regime was characterized with nepotism, despotism, corruption/ embezzlement and the authoritarian rule. In his regime, Marcos is accused of having assassinated Benigno Aquino. Jr. Following the events between a hotly contested November, 1969 elections it was imminent that Philippine political arena became an ardently contested political arena and a revolution was necessary to end the unpopular regime of President Marcos. The commencing research will provide a detailed analysis on the events that preceded the 1969 election. It will also prove prove that the Cardinal Jaime Sin contribution to the political development was instrumental in eventual ousting of Ferdinand Marcos regime.

  1. Marcos’s Election

Marcos Ferdinand running on a Nacionalista ticket got five million votes against closest rival Sergio Osmera running on the Liberal party ticket. Osemera garnered 3.1 million or 38.51% of the total vote count[1]. However, on the night of November 11th, 1969 early signs of election fraud were already imminent. According to the international observer delegation, it was assessed that the action characterized was not free and fair in any manner. In fact, through Marcos influence, constitutional resolutions were altered to ensure Marcos and Fernando Lopez “Marcos vice president” were duly elected.

To a greater extent, Marcos dominated National Assembly proclaimed Marcos the winner. As a result, Cardinal Jaime Sin was prompted and liberal factions to rally against the nature of the elections in favor of Liberal Party political ideologies. The uprising was popularly seconded by the clergy, ordinary citizens, and children who marked the occurrence of a series of political upheavals from 1969-1986. The opposition had a genuine reason to oppose Marcos to lead dictatorial rule. It should be recalled that, by the beginning of Marcos regime, crucial political elites were jailed, and top in the list was Benigno Ninoy Aquino.

The United States seconded the ramification of the election. The US ambassador to the Philippines conducted an unprecedented usurpation of power mounting on radical mobilization of the Liberal party, although this was just the beginning. The various organizations conduct reformist movement to support liberal democracy culminating in most sections of the country. In the meantime, students’ seconded general public was already demonstrating dissatisfaction in the main streets of Manila Metropolitan[2]. On the other hand, the catholic religion courtesy of Jaime Sin was vehement in conduct a social-political war that agitated heavily in publication and documentation of the election malpractices. Additionally, the pressure was exerted by neighboring democracies like those that the Singapore only led to the consolidation of power by Marcus regime[3]. Hence in analysis, Marcos survival in power was radically challenged by internally driven external forces.

In this event, Marcos subsequent claim that he won the election was deeply discredited by international seers, and meanwhile, the Liberal Party was obtaining significant influence. It is the liberal party that released the independent tally to contest the ruling party results. As a result, formal protest by the civilians ensued, which three Marcos into panic. Marcos prepared a constitutional reform agenda to ensure that he consolidated power. The liberal party seconded by the catholic religion to initiate a massive agitation in the next two decades with intent to agitate for the democracy. Due to this pressure, the Armed Forces vice of Staff General Fidel Ramos, the Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile resigned and this forced Marcos powerless but to resign.

1st Filipino president to be elected for 2nd term

It should be recalled that Marcos brutal ruler-ship and subsequent election malpractice can be traced to the much-contested 1969 presidential election. Marcos contest against the Sergio Osmena began in a mere political struggle and later graduated to contested martial law three years later. The 1969 presidential election was characterized by two-experienced presidential election. The election was the ugliest and the most expensive presidential contest the country had ever experienced. The Nacionalistas led by Marcos spent around 200 million US dollars. Almost half of that money came from government coffers. The Nacionalistas won seven out of eight seats that led to the winning of the state presidential seat for a second term[4]. Thus in analysis, this was the first indication that Marcos power was based on factors far from ethics, and to a greater extent Marcos regime failed to appeal to the masses.

However, it should be recalled that Marcos victory (re-election) led to the introduction of belligerent politics in Filipino. In fact, through this political backlash, a subsequent uprising was begun rising in 1971 senatorial elections. Thus, by the time of Marcos inauguration in 1970, the first Quarter storm led by students took full effect. A vehement student wing marched to Malacanang Palace that would become known as Battle of Mendiola Bridge. In 1971, two explosions were set-off in Manila’s Plaza, which led to the death of 9 spectator and 100 wounded. Amongst the wounded were eight Liberal Party senatorial candidates[5]. As a result, President Marcos blamed communist regimes on the attack, while the opposition blamed the government for the explosions forcing the government to reinstate a Habeas Corpus for period of six months[6].

After the successful events of the 1971, the Liberal Party gained significant influence and they won 6-8 senate seats in the November elections, which led to the end of Marcus, dominated senate. For that reason, Marcos began considering extra-constitutional means as a way of consolidating power[7]. This led to the subsequent attempts of replacing the 1935 constitution with a bellicose Filipino charter engineered by Marcos. Marcos blamed the old constitution for ills of democracy. On the other hand, the Liberal Party had the view that a political change would be instrumental in minimizing Filipino political woes. In fact, the opposition thought the Oligarch rule, worsening social justices; the failing constitution resulted in corruption and economic underdevelopment.  Hence, delegates converged in Quezon City for the ConCon, and this led to the invite of various social, political, and economic agitators to round table talks.

III. Cardinal Sin’s Motivation and Desire

Wanted to stop corruption

Marcos regime became ruthless and began conducting extra-judicial measures as a mean to consolidate power. For example, in 1974, Alvarez Heherson fled the country after martial law; however, the blatant regime went a step further to assassinate Alvarez Brother. For this reason, Cardinal Sin criticized Marcos on basis of incompetency. Following the increased hostility led by the Cardinal Sin, Fr. Manuel Lahoz, and Fr. Edicio de la Torre was secretly arrested and detained in government torture chambers. Cardinal Jaime Sin mounted open criticism on every of Marcos attempt to conduct a preliminary investigation to blindfold the local community on the whereabouts of the missing political patronage[8].

It is in light with Cardinal Sin support that a Task Force Detainees was established to assist human right victims to defeat torture, salvaging, disappearances, detention, and disappearances. Through mobilization of external aid, Cardinal Sin was able to organize political asylum for political victims, and later the asylum was spread to take care of the victims’ families. Meanwhile, Cardinal Sin deliberated for the development of Free Legal Assistance Group (FLAG) to take human rights cases in Marcos courts. It should be remembered that AMRSP network to minimize perennial human rights violation was responsible for the development of foreign-based religious network.

Although Cardinal Sin did not have subsequent economic policies, it should be noted that through his support to Aquino’s regime, Sin did demonstrate that he was open to liberal economic policies. Part of this agitation was development of Makati-Based think tank center chiefly led by Opus Dei. In fact, it is through this effort that Sin was capable of encouraging wealthy external businesspersons affiliated to the catholic religion to consider Filipino a possible investment destination and defeating Marcos was the first major effort that was to be achieved.

As a result, Cardinal Sin was able instrumental is encouraging subsequent peaceful coup attempt to oust the Marcos Regime. On 28th, August 1986, Cardinal Sin successfully encouraged Gregorio Honasan commonly known as Gringo to conduct a rebellious revolt against the government[9]. Later the following morning, Cardinal Sin issued a touching statement in response to the mutiny criticizing Marcos inability to contain government problems collectively. In fact, Cardinal Sin requested the masses through Radio Veristas to move up and camp Aguinald and Camp Crame to protect the endangered Enrile and Ramos from bellicose government forces. Through his calling, close two million Filipino camped in Aguinald and Crame collectively. Considering that it was a crucial strategy for Cardinal Sin since the clergyman was in a better position to counter his best counts against challenging Marcos[10]. Thus in analysis, the clergy was crucial in instilling a revolution against Marcos.

  1. Sin’s Leadership

“People power”

As assessed earlier, Cardinal Sin championed the usage of mass media to agitate for better provision equal rights in elections. For instance, the Enrile openly admitted that the elections were characterized with massive cheating and there was a subsequent need to invite the people’s power in direct involvement of political agitation. The nature of Filipino society is close hybrid of traditionalism and Christianity. Thus, a flamboyant Cardinal Sin will obviously make a significant impact to the people. As a result, the PPR was establishment of EDSA revolution. In any case, the approach was instrumental in enhancing proper support prevention of excessive employment of military support in agitating for political support[11].

Persuaded Corazon Aquino to run for president

Cardinal Sin further encouraged Cory Aquino to run for a political seat. Cardinal Sin drew public attention to rally behind Aquino in light with the country’s growing poverty, corruption, and subsequent violation of human rights. After Aquino’s death, it was articulated that Marcos was ideally behind the assassination. For this reason, there was a derivative need to initiate the public challenge to promote political reform. Certainly, for Cardinal Sin, one will notice that the flamboyant clergyman was not interest to oust Marcos through the fronting of direct politics. However, encouraging Filipinos to realize Marcos administration had lost influence and to a greater extent, there was a need to extinguish the ambivalence associated with Marcos regime[12].

The death of Corazon Aquino reignited the strong agitation of the liberal action. In fact, it is through the constant aiding of Cardinal Sin, that Filipino saw it coherent to encourage Benigno Corazon Aquino widow to stand up for election against incumbent president Marcos. Following the assassination of Aquino, there was a subsequent calling for the dislodgment of Marcos by a more responsive leader. Sin figured that the Aquino’s Widow will be a possible and appealing candidate not based on her abilities but more on her recent widow status[13]. Most of the hardcore politics were engineered by the Ramos seconded by Sin. However, Carazon Aquino on her elevation of high office did the best she could not to disappoint the new government. By the time, the nation was facing subsequent economic and social ills of the Philippines.

  1. Major Events

Destruction of Radio Veritas Tower

It is already noted in this discussion that Marcos politics were to a greater extent belligerent and did not respect human rights. On the other hand, the media continued arguing the censorship of Filipinos and depicting the in-competence of Marcus government. The government blamed the revolutionaries for the increased agitation of equal rights. However, the more the agitation rose, the brutal the government became. In fact, in response to the mass defiance, a group of pro-government AFP soldiers attacked and destroyed Radio Veritas transmission tower.  Consequently, the main source of news to Manila was blocked.

Marcos vs. Aquino

It should be recalled that although Marcos was a pro capitalist and attempt to pose as a darling of the west, this did not appeal positively to the Reagan regime. There were factors that the made Marcos to lose influence. Firstly, Marcos led a tyrant regime. Secondly, Marcos was in poor health that led to the running of the country poorly. Thirdly, Marcos regime was corrupt and to a greater extent did not meet demand of the ailing public. Fourthly, Marcos wife Imelda was already heavily melding with dirty politics[14].

In contrast, Aquino demonstrated significant indifferences to make him a much favor candidate. Firstly, Aquino was confident and all along, the politician withstood Marcos pressure adequately. Secondly, Aquino was enthusiastic and demonstrated passion and dedication in standing up against a tyrant regime. Thirdly, Aquino was committed to excellence. This was demonstrated through political and economic policies that Aquino communicated to the followers.

  1. Marcos Forced Out of Presidency

IBP (56) argues that the decline in overall support from Reagan administration prompted the first attempt to force Marcus out of power. IBP further assesses that Marcos regime lost significant influence since relatives and cronies attempted to control vital sections of the government. Additionally, the assassination of Benigno Aquino culminated to a vicious development of local politics. For instance, the emergence of Imelda as a central political figure in Filipino politics stated deeply that Marcos had lost shrewdness and this further accelerated his exit in mainstream politics. In fact, social, economic, and political problems were primarily responsible in encouraging Sin’s to take center stage in agitating for the logistical and moral support to oust Marcos. On February 23, Enrile and Ramos backed by Sin encouraged the masses to rally around Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo.

The masses threatened to move against tanks buffered around government buildings. On the morning of Monday February 24, a serious conflict ensued in Manila and a government squad secretly attacked Camp Crame. The event was heavily contested by the masses and this led to the usage of tear-gas canisters. On Tuesday 25th, February, there was a clash between reformists and loyal government troops. Corazon Aquino was inaugurated in a ceremony in Filipino Green-hills gardens. Meanwhile, Marcos conducted an inauguration at Malacanang. Loyal civilians attended the inauguration. This was witnessed by GMA-7 and IBC-13 media houses. However, rebel troops capture other stations and reinstated that Aquino was the legitimate Filipino president. As a result, Marcos was finally ousted out of power and this led to the eventual exit of Marcus and his Family to the U.S[15].

VII. Conclusion

This research has attempted to prove that Filipino revolution was duly accomplished under the stewardship of Cardinal Sin to oust the dictatorial regime of Ferdinand Marcos and instill the democratic leadership of Corazon Aquino. The research has been reinstated the three events of 1969, Filipino general elections, 1971, Senate elections and the 1986 general elections. In the two general elections, there was wide presence of irregularities, and to a greater extent, this clarified Marcos inability to foster a spirit of democracy.


Reference list

Ackerman, Peter, and Jack DuVall. A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict. (New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press, 2000).

Aguinaldo, Emilio. True Version of the Philippine Revolution. (Lexington, KY: Valde Books, 2009).

Alvarez, Arnold. “EDSA People Power Revolution.” Philippine History. Last modified 2006.

Chenoweth, Erica, and Maria J. Stephan. Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic

Logic of Nonviolent Conflict. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011.

Herb, Guntram Henrik, and David H. Kaplan. Nations and Nationalism: A Global Historical Overview. Vol. 1. (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2008).

IBP  USA, USA International Business Publications, Phillipines Country Study Guide, Int’s Business Publication, Press, 2007)

Mercado, Monina Alleray. People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986. (San

Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press, 1986).

Nadeau, Kathleen M. The History of the Philippines. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2008.

“Republic of the Philippines.” In Gale Encyclopedia of World History: Governments. Vol. 2. Detroit, MI: Gale, 2008. Gale Virtual Reference Library.

Taylor & Francis Group. Europe World Year. (Taylor Group, Associations Institutions, 2004).


[1] Taylor & Francis Group. Europe World Year. Taylor Group, Associations Institutions, 2004.

2Ackerman,. A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict. New York, NY: this book attempts to establish the equal revolutionary ideas from liberal leaders Nelson, Mandela, and Martin Luther King. In particular, page 60 provides the Philippine context

[3] IBP  USA, USA International Business Publications, Phillipines Country Study Guide, Int’s Business Publication, Press, 2007.  Page 6 provides critical accounts of  US administration  intervened in Philippines case.

[4] Nadeau, Kathleen M. The History of the Philippines. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2008. This text explains the consequential history of Philippines politics from 1969 -1986. The text further clarifies the nature of 1969 hotly contested elections

[5] Mercado, Monina Alleray. People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986. San Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press, 1986. This text aids this research in providing a detailed account of events that followed the 1971 change of politics.

[6] Herb, Guntram Henrik, and David H. Kaplan. Nations and Nationalism: A Global Historical Overview. Vol. 1. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2008. Pages 99-105 establishes the contribution of  Sin to the development a coherent international nationalism

[7] Republic of the Philippines.” In Gale Encyclopedia of World History: Governments. Vol. 2. Detroit, MI: Gale, 2008. Gale Virtual Reference Library.

[8] Alvarez, Arnold. “EDSA People Power Revolution.” Philippine History. Last modified 2006.

[9] Herb, Guntram Henrik, and David H. Kaplan. Nations and Nationalism: A Global Historical Overview. Vol. 1. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2008. Pages 99-105 establishes the contribution of  Sin to the development a coherent international nationalism

[10] Herb, Guntram Henrik, and David H. Kaplan. Nations and Nationalism: A Global Historical Overview. Vol. 1. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2008.

[11] Republic of the Philippines.” In Gale Encyclopedia of World History: Governments. Vol. 2. Detroit, MI: Gale, 2008. Gale Virtual Reference Library.

[12] Alvarez, Arnold. “EDSA People Power Revolution.” Philippine History. Last modified 2006.

[13] Republic of the Philippines.” In Gale Encyclopedia of World History: Governments. Vol. 2. Detroit, MI: Gale, 2008. Gale Virtual Reference Library.

[14] Herb, Guntram Henrik, and David H. Kaplan. Nations and Nationalism: A Global Historical Overview. Vol. 1. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2008.


[15] IBP  USA, USA International Business Publications, Phillipines Country Study Guide, Int’s Business Publication, Press, 2007.  Page 6 provides critical accounts of  US administration  intervened in Philippines case.

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