Analysis of the Hipster Subculture



Wherever there is an establishment, there will forever be an anti-establishment (Omar, 2016). You either join the mainstream culture or you refuse and rebel. This push-and-pull struggle of resistance or acceptance constructs culture within contemporary society as a relentless battlefield (Hall, 1981). As a result, Hebdiges (2004) conceptualisation of subcultures, as a subversion of normalcy, provides a provocative investigation into the avenues through which like-minded individuals, who feel disconnected from the dominant culture, form assemblages that participate in collective forms of resistance. Therefore, surfacing out of oppositionality to the mainstream, subcultures consolidate their manifestation of difference through expressive forms and rituals that culminate into the construction of a stylea gesture of defiance or contempt, in a smile or a sneer (Hebdige, 2004: 1259). In exploring Hebdiges subcultures, this essay will critically examine the 21stcentury subculture ofhipstersin formulating what theyre invested in, how individuals signal membership through the usage of signs, what theyre refusing and rebelling against, and relevant criticisms surroundinghipsters, analysed through the lens ofNewtownin Sydney as the melting-pot of authentichipsters.

Conceptualisation ofhipstersand what theyre invested in

Largely encapsulating those in Generation Y, 21stcenturyhipstersubculture is composed of youth and young adults living in gentrified locales (Maly & Varis, 2016: 638).Hipstersubculture is primarily associated with creatively-inclined individuals whom share an artisanal appreciation of alternative lifestyles, independent thinking and creativity, circumventing societal expectations through their non-mainstream fashion sensibility and adulation of esoteric cultural goods as the embodiment of a progressive ethical consumption philosophy (Hendlin et al., 2010: 214; Grief, 2010; Henke, 2013: 117). Essentially,hipstersdistance themselves from anything mainstream, predictable and conventional as being an enlightened innovator rather than a follower, holding the tastes and attitudes considered cool, by the cool (Lanham, 2008: 13). Despite this, the everyday use ofhipsteris mobilised as a pejorative slur connoting superficiality and self-absorption, pigeonholinghipstersas smug and pretentious (Henke, 2013: 118; Grief, 2010). However, these derogatory remarks are reserved for fakehipstersas those with exorbitant economic capital who attempt to buy cultural capital to acquire thehipsterstyle as a jockey for social gain motivated to produce a fashionably rebellious image rather than embodying thehipsterethos of genuine radicalism (Henke, 2013: 117; Schiermer, 2014: 169; Grief, 2010). As such, an authentichipsternever admits to truly being ahipsteras this label is earmarked for those who desperately want to be hip (Hendlin et al., 2010: 214; Maly & Varis, 2016: 646). The very notion of rejecting labels is an essential ingredient of an authentichipsteras an innate characteristic, not something to be achieved through acknowledgement of others but by being yourself as one doesnt wear the hipsterstyle because they want to be one, rather, because thats how one is (Maly & Varis, 2016: 645-6).

Furthermore, what is an absolutely crucial investment in being a truehipsteris the claim to authenticity and uniqueness (Maly & Varis, 2016: 644-5). As ambassadors of good taste,hipstersconsume to project their authenticity as not being like everybody else but fuelled by a passion of all things creative, counter-cultural, underground and artesian as a state of mind that keeps the non-corporate and independent, flourishing (Absurdistry, 2014). Thus, authenticity is linked to telling the right kind of story as having anauthentic reasonfor your consumption practices, in prioritising progressive social change through the appreciation of the creative, as its not just about wearing the right clothes, but being engaged with thehipsteridentity in seeking purity through consumption (Maly & Varis, 2016: 650; Henke, 2013: 129). Such that,hipstersare invested in conveying the self in terms of non-conformity to mainstream culture, rejecting what is socially acceptable and commonplace and thriving on being quirky and to the majority of society- fucking weird (Ehrlich & Bartz, 2010: 105). Being real in formulating coolness focuses on both the authenticity of ones choices in staying genuine tohipsterethos, whilst distinguishing oneself from others in not being reducible to imitation, through uniqueness and individualisation, which paradoxically forms the collectivehipsteridentity (Maly & Varis, 2016: 644). This is termed thehipsterparadox as the unspoken, yet practiced degree wherebyhipstersmust all be individualor membership may be revoked (Maly & Varis, 2016: 644). As such, authenticity and uniqueness become the invisible ink forhipsters,as the most telling signs of belonging, keeping distance between authentic and fakehipsters(Eriksson & Grtarsdttir, 2006: 37). Hence,hipstersare invested in living independently and freely, crafting themselves away from mundane norms and towards the creative, the organic and the indie, conforming in their non-conformity (Absurdistry, 2014).

Moreover, despite somehipsterindexicals having global purchase this doesnt mean that thehipstersubculture is a monocultural phenomena, but is polycentric and translocal (Maly & Varis, 2016: 642). In exploringhipsterslocalised nature, its pertinent to examine the king of all hipster suburbs,Newtown(Grobler, 2019). Whilst McRobbie (1980: 111) and Halberstam (2003: 319-20) denote that the study of subcultures have consistently presumed the dominance of males through a heterosexual framework, thehipstersubculture inNewtownis much more inclusive, described as one of Australias largest gaybourhoods and deemed the lesbian capital accounting for 22.4% of female same-sex couples as a proportion of Australias capital cities (Campbell, 2015). Ranking 10/10 for its hipster vibe, underpinningNewtownshipster lifestyle is their strong investment on social progressivism as a united outlook ofhipsters political ideologies (Grobler, 2019). This involves an emphasis on social justice in fighting for equality for all, as well as environmental sustainability in conserving the sanctity of the environment in reducing our pollutive measures and human impacts on climate change. The importance placed on these values is reflected in the fact that the local MP forNewtownis Greens member Jenny Leong, receiving the highest ever vote for a Greens MP, demonstrating the collective prominence of thehipstersubculture permeatingNewtown(Bacon, 2019). Similarly, this focus on naturality, quality and independence central to thehipsterlifestyle in sourcing local organic produce is evident in the profusion ofhipsterinfrastructure withinNewtownwith regular farmers markets, an abundance of vegetarian and vegan eateries, as well as independent coffeeshops and microbreweries likeYoung HenrysandGrifters, replacing the mass-produced objects that the mainstream consume. Moreover, as Australias art mecca,Newtownfosters creativity and artistic expression ofhipstersubculture through the cornucopia of bric-a-brac stores, vintage and thrifty boutiques, bookstores, vinyl stores, art galleries, tattoo parlours, independent theatres and street-art murals (Grobler, 2019). As such, its clear that thehipstersubculture has materialised withinNewtownas a collective hangout, envisioning notions of unity among authentichipsters. Therefore, being an authentichipsterentails not only acquiring the right style through authenticity and uniqueness, but also being engaged inhipsterideologies of social progressivism, naturality, independence, creativity and artistic expression.

Signs used byhipsters

Its through the expression of style integral to youth identity formation, where subcultural identity becomes visible as a deviation from mainstream culture (Hebdige, 2004: 1259). Such that,hipstersare very conscious of how they present themselves, as their individualised clothing style is the most evident sign of belonging to this subculture, with their creativity setting them apart from the inauthentic mainstream. In thinking through McRobbies (1980: 111-4) and Halberstams (2003: 320-3) drawbacks of subcultures heterosexual and male bias, thehipsterstyle celebrates all, bestowing itself in androgynous genderless flairs, as well as feminine and masculine characteristics regardless of gender or sexual preference. This search for authenticity and uniqueness forhipsters,ties into the practice of bricolage of reusing past trends, testing ideas and mixing clothing creations, likened to a treasure hunt in searching for symbols of exclusivity (Eriksson & Grtarsdttir, 2006: 30). Thus,hipster style is defined principally through its non-mainstream fashion sensibility surrounding the appreciation of all things vintage, dated, retro, old and thrifty (Rasmussen et al., 2012: 18). Essentially, clothing is a way of life forhipsters,exhibiting itself as a fringe style that is often more artistic than practical (Rasmussen et al., 2012: 68). ForNewtown hipstersthis assembles into a profusion of retro band t-shirts accompanied with flannels, vintage paisley and plaid shirts, grandma sweaters, retro coats and vests, as well as gingham dresses, bell bottoms and high-waisted jeans sourced from a surfeit of vintage and thrift boutiques withinNewtownlikeU-Turn, SWOP, Cream on King,Vinniesand theRed Cross.Despite the uniqueness in each individual attire, the style itself is thoroughly orderedwhereby the chaos cohere(s) (into) a meaningful whole as the marker that signifies membership (Hebdige, 2004: 1263). Such that, true value for ahipsteris measured in the clothings provenance and patina as having a distinct feel and smell of originating from a different period, envisaging a sense of scarcity as every clothing piece holds particular meaning (Eriksson & Grtarsdttir, 2006: 37; Hebdige, 2004: 1262). As a result, thehipstermakes a conscious choice of clothing as a visible construction, a loaded choice in bypassing societal norms, as a sign that gestures the belief the wearer embodies (Hebdige, 2004: 1263; Rasmussen et al., 2012: 68).

Nonetheless, what Hebdige (2004: 1259-60) is truly concerned about is how unremarkable and mundane objects are made to mean again as a source of subcultural value. Much like bin-liners instrumentalised as a sign ofpunksubculture, visualising ahipsterin old-fashioned vintage like a dated flannel signifies a sense of material poverty and deviation in the eyes of the mainstream, yet generates a hidden message of authenticity, artistic expression and creativity when viewed within the subculture (Hebdige, 2004: 1259,1264). What indicates one thing, takes on an opposite symbolic dimension forhipsters, becoming a form of stigmata as a symbol of self-imposed exile as a means of rebelling by creating disgust and controversy (Rasmussen et al., 2012: 57; Hebdige, 2004: 1259). Moreover, likepunksassembling safety pins and lavatory chains into signs of forbidden identity,Newtown hipstersutilise old fabrics like towels and blankets from vintage and thrift shops and re-appropriate them into wearable garments like shawls and headbands as an indicator of defiance, an expression in code to stick-out from our mainstream, mass-produced, un-individualised society (Hebdige, 2004: 1259; Maly & Varis, 2016: 646-8). Additionally, miscellaneous items like shoelaces, cords and buttons (Newtowns All Buttons Great and Small) are sourced for bracelets and necklaces withinhipstersubculture as an embodiment ofhipsteridentity that warns the straight world of the presence of difference (Hebdige, 2004: 1259). As such, these humble objects with double meaning are stolen and re-appropriated withinhipstersubculture as a secret connotation that communicates their collective identity as non-conformists to mainstream culture (Hebdige, 1979: 18).

Equally as important in expressing deviance is ones hairstyle, viewed as a radical marker ofhipstersubculture. Much likepunkspenchant for dyed hair, the abnormal is valued intrinsically forhipstersas ones hairstyle is viewed as a eye-catching masterpiece adapting and borrowing classyancientvintage hairstyles, as a variation of androgynous styles throughout time (Hebdige, 2004: 1260; Rasmussen et al., 2012: 19-23). Some notableNewtown hipsterhairstyles include an immersion of Elvis inspired haircuts from early rock culture, pompadour, mullets and topknots from ancient France, Greece and Japan, as well as braided mohawks, side-swept bangs and pixie cuts from early feminist movements (Malady, 2013). For malehipsters, this extends to facial hair as having full scraggly beards or handlebar moustaches as symbolic of the wild-west and medieval times emulating a rustic and eccentric ambiance viewed as an overt marker of peculiarity (Malady, 2013). Similarly, the popularity of traditional American-styled tattoos like kitschy sailor-styles and vintage pin-up girls that line flash sheets inNewtowntattoo parlours, have been re-appropriated as a visible construction ofhipsteridentity, mobilised as a source of value and casual decoration that creates distance betweenhipstersand the mainstream (Bidisha, 2014). Additionally, esoteric vintage objects like type-writers, Walkmans, low-fidelity cameras and vinyl records as symbols of nostalgic taste are transformed into signifiers ofhipsterlifestyle, reflecting their values surrounding authenticity, artistic expression and uniqueness, as an extension of a non-conformist philosophy that deviates from societal norms and mass-consumerism (Henke, 2013: 117-20). Thus, being recognised as an authentichipsterrequires assembling the right kinds of identity indexicals that embodyhipsterideals, through the investment of time and labour in bestowing status and prestige on its owner, as the accretion of what Thornton (1995) terms subcultural capital. Ultimately, this involves being in the know as hipness must come as second nature, whereby one mustnt try too hard to fit in by over-usinghipstersigns, as being ahipsterisnt a ready-to-wear subculture (Thornton, 1995: 27-8).

Whathipstersare refusing

The crux of subcultures is to collectively unite those who share values distinct to the mainstream (Hebdige, 2004: 1259). As such,Hipstersarose out of resistance to the homogenising forces surrounding our dominant, Western, capitalist society that values the maximisation of profit through mass-consumerism (Eriksson & Grtarsdttir, 2006: 8-11,23). Challenging the hegemony of the dominant culture is expressed obliquely through style as the external image that makes uphipsteridentity is purely a replication of the members internal thoughts, as the yearning to express attitudes removed from mainstream demands (Hebdige, 1979: 17; Heldoorn, 2014). As the absorption of an anti-authoritarian, anti-establishment and counter-cultural ethos,hipstershave an avid disdain for modern corporatism and mass-consumerism that fuels our capitalist society (Henke, 2013: 120-1).Hipsters,as stubborn non-conformists, strive to be distinctive, not wanting to associate themselves with the herd of consumers brainwashed by corporations to buy the same pre-packaged products, reflective of our throw-away consumeristic society (Omar, 2016). Such that,hipstersrefuse to succumb to dominant ideologies surrounding consumer culture, as commodities lose their story when they become uniform and mass-produced (Eriksson & Grtarsdttir, 2006: 34-8). This is whyhipstersselectively focus on re-tooling counter-cultural objects that are independently or alternatively produced as a rebellion against the established mainstream that prioritises mass-produced, heavily-marketed, and poorly crafted commodities. (Henke, 2013: 122). Thus,hipsters,as culturally sensitive and conscious consumers that track the ethical layers beneath their products, have a disdain for the culturally-ignorant attitudes of conventional soul-less, everyday consumption (Maly & Varis, 2016: 639). Likewise, in showcasing their socially and environmentally progressive philosophies,Newtownhipstersrefuse to conform to the supremacy of the conservative institutions we live under. Therefore, thehipsteridentity represents a repudiation to follow the dominant culture, as a romanticised escape from the societal norms of Western consumer culture, capitalism and conservativity.


Due to the global popularity of thehipsteraesthetic through the rise of technology and consumerism,hipsters are left open to relentless scrutinization from those (Johnson, Schiermer, Heldoorn) who believe the subculture to be consumed by the mainstream. For Schiermer (2014: 177)hipstersare more-so fashioned as an arbitrary, transient aesthetic as the boundaries between authentichipstersand the mainstream manufactured imitators continue to blur. As a result, Johnson (2016) and Heldoorn (2014) viewhipstersubculture as being overhauled, deprived of its distinctiveness and mass-produced for all, as corporations likeH&Mare transitioning towards clothing that fits thehipsterpalette. This criticism draws comparisons with Bennetts (1999: 599-603) concept of neo-tribes, which views subcultural groupings as deeply problematic, better understood as a sequence of temporal gatherings characterised by fluid boundaries and floating memberships. However, those who criticise the legitimacy ofhipstersubculture ostensibly focus on the superficiality of clothing; which, I submit might be becoming more mainstream, but is only increasing fakehipsterswhom are doing it for the face-value appeal, without believing inhipsterethos. As discussed, the product ofhipsterstyle is to reflect the internalised ideologies of the subculture, in rebelling against mainstream culture, whilst fostering ideals of social and environmental progressivism, authenticity and uniqueness. As an authentichipsteracquiring such a style isnt bought like the critics suggest but comes naturally in sharing the collective ideologies that spark belonging within the subculture, evident withinNewtownas a thriving example ofhipsterssurvival as an authentic subculture with well-defined ideologies progressing through time.


Throughout this analysis, Ive examined the elusive nature of the contemporaryhipstersubculture.Through the lens ofNewtown hipsters, I conceptualised the differences between authentic and fakehipsters, whathipstersare invested in, the signs they use, what they are refusing and acknowledged pertinent criticisms. Like graffiti on a prison wall, whilst aspects like style mightnt shift the status quo immediately, it highlights the significance of having flashes of resistance to foster power through collective unity to positively influence societal norms (Hebdige, 2004: 1259).

Reference List:

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  • Hendlin, Y, Anderson, S & Glantz, S 2010, Acceptable rebellion: marketing hipster aesthetics to sell Camel cigarettes in the US,Centre for Tobacco Control,vol. 19, pp. 213, 222.
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